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Page history last edited by 楊聰榮 Edwin Tsung-Rong Yang 8 years, 7 months ago






科目名稱(中文):移民研究  科目名稱(英文):Migration Studies   全/半年 半 必/選修: 選 總學分數: 3 

授課教師: 楊聰榮  (國際與僑教學院 副教授)


14.(5/25) 移民與社群互動、社區生活



指定書目:Strangers, Ambivalence and Social Theory. (Ashgate, 1988)

推薦閱讀:Bulrny Diken, “Hybridity, Globalization and the Stranger”









上課內容與討論 Lecture and Discussion


課前準備 Before class



Translate of p.156 (彥廷)

    Until relatively recently, African cloth was made primarily in Holland and Germany. The production was targeted to specific "tribes", that is , based on specific patterns, and the cloth was not obtainable in Europe. The production of local difference on a global scale is proof of a global relation in production and consumption. It is not, of course, the globalization of culture, of meaning, but of the global control over local consumption via product differentiation. This is clearly a global systemic relation, but is it also globalization? (Friedman 1995:87)



    Only if culture is limited to "the museological definition of ethnographic objects" and thus conceived of as a "matter" that can be "mixed", can hybridization, creolization, etc.be talked of, but still only as an "identification of others" by the cosmopolitan anthropologist (Friedman 1995: 82). This is importantly also a typical attribute of Western modernity in that it "consists in transforming difference into essence", such as "race, text, paradigm, code, structure, without ever needing to examine the actual process by which specificity comes to be and is reproduced" (Friedman 1995:80).



    It can be argued that Friedman operates with a rather restricted understanding of hybridization only as identification.

But it is important to recall that hybridization also takes place "in spite of" identifications; as is the case in the context of "hybridization between enemies" (see Pieterse 1995). Thus, instead of a wholesale denial and denigration of theories of hybridization by limiting it to identification, we can still fruitfully investigate hybridization process which take place in spite of pure identification because even this denial itself is grounded in existing hybridity. Ex-Yugoslavia, as the latest example, the most racist response to hybridity, or the most severe ambition to ethnic cleansing, is raised in the most hybrid contexts.

可以說 Friedman 對異族結合作了相當限制性的理解,僅僅作為個人標誌。但重要的是記得混血也發生在不在意個人識別之處,例如在「敵人之間混合化」背景下的例子(參見 Pieterse 1995)因此,並非藉由限制它去全面否認和詆毀混血理論,我們仍然可以卓有成效地探討異族結合的過程,儘管它純粹建立於單純的身分辨識。因為即使這種拒絕仍立足於既有的混雜性上。最近的例子,前南斯拉夫,對混血最種族主義式的反應,或是對種族清洗最嚴重的企圖,造成了最多異族通婚的背景。


    However, the points Friedman underlines are important in consideration of the hybridity of the Turkish habitus. They explicitly remind us that the objects, the products and the elements combined and mixed in the production of the habitus are only half the story regarding the processes of hybridization. At least equally important is the question of how and to what degree this hybridization is (not) recognized in the social space, which seems determined to order "anomalies" and to discipline human and no-human actors producing hybrids, a topic which we will approach from different angles in chapter 8.

然而, Friedman 所指出的考慮土耳其習慣的異族結合的是非常重要的。他們明確地提醒我們:習慣的塑造過程中產品和元素的組合和混合只是異族結合過程的一半故事。同樣重要的問題是在社會空間中這種異族結合如何和多大程度上(不)被認可,這似乎決定去整頓「反常現象」並去規範人類和非人類參與者進行混血。這個主題我們將在第八章從不同的角度來探討。


    So far, we can say that, with respect to "identifications" in the Danish social space, it is not easy to find hybrid ones.

It is one thing to be hybrid, and it is  something else to "affirm" it in one's identifications. The most important question is in which direction the hybird habitus will tend to navigate, e.g. toward an affirmation of itself and its hybridity or toward denial of it through nationalism and fundamentalism. The choice is, of course, up to "us", all actors.


課後分享 After class



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